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    January 19

    All in the Family Barack Obama’s Sister

     

    Jordan Murph
    January 20, 2008
    Questions for Maya Soetoro-Ng

    All in the Family

    Interview by DEBORAH SOLOMON

    Q: Let's talk about the Democratic presidential caucuses taking place on Feb. 19, in Hawaii , where Barack Obama was born. Will you be campaigning for your brother? Yes, of course. I have taken time off from my various teaching jobs in Honolulu and just got back from two months of campaigning. I have a bumper sticker on my car that says: "1-20-09. End of an Error."

    What kind of bumper sticker is that? It doesn't even mention a candidate by name. That's just one bumper sticker. I have three others on my car, including one that says, "Women for Obama."

    What is the age difference between you and Barack? I'm nine years younger. Our mother, after divorcing Barack's father, met my father at the same place, the East-West Center on the University of Hawaii campus.

    Barack's father was Kenyan, and yours was Indonesian. Your mom was what used to be called a freethinker, a white anthropologist from Wichita, Kan., who moved to Jakarta after her second marriage. My mother was a courageous woman. And she had such tremendous love for life. She loved the natural world. She would wake us up in the middle of the night to go look at the moon. When I was a teenager, this was a source of great frustration because I wanted to sleep.

    She died at only 52, from ovarian cancer ? Today, more than anything, I wish all the women in Barack's life — our mother, his wife and daughters, my daughter, our grandmother, his Kenyan half-sister — I wish we could all sit together and gaze at the moon.

    Your mom has been described as an atheist. I wouldn't have called her an atheist. She was an agnostic. She basically gave us all the good books — the Bible, the Hindu Upanishads and the Buddhist scripture, the Tao Te Ching — and wanted us to recognize that everyone has something beautiful to contribute.

    You didn't mention the Koran in that list, although Indonesia is the most populous Muslim country in the world. I should have mentioned the Koran. Mom didn't really emphasize the Koran, but we read little parts of it. We did listen to morning prayers in Indonesia.

    Are you worried about mentioning Islam because it has already been evoked by negative campaigners trying to tarnish your brother? I'm not worried. I don't want to deny Islam. I think it's obviously very important that we have an understanding of Islam, a better understanding. At the same time, it has been erroneously attached to my brother. The man has been a Christian for 20 years.

    What religion are you? Philosophically, I would say that I am Buddhist.

    What effect do you think your mother's wanderlust had on Barack? Maybe part of the reason he was so attracted to Chicago and his wife, Michelle, was that sense of rootedness. He elected to make a choice, whereas Mom sort of wandered through the world collecting treasures.

    Do you think of your brother as black? Yes, because that is how he has named himself. Each of us has a right to name ourselves as we will.

    Do you think of yourself as white? No. I'm half white, half Asian. I think of myself as hybrid. People usually think I'm Latina when they meet me. That's what made me learn Spanish.

    That sort of culturally mixed identity was seen as an anomaly when you were growing up. Of course, there was a time when that felt like unsteady terrain, and it made me feel vulnerable.

    You were ahead of the multicultural curve. That's one of the things our mother taught us. It can all belong to you. If you have sufficient love and respect for a part of the world, it can be a meaningful part of who you are, even if it wasn't delivered at birth.

    INTERVIEW CONDUCTED, CONDENSED AND EDITED BY DEBORAH SOLOMON


    Fischer vs. the World: A Chess Giant’s Endgame

     

    La Nación, Buenos Aires

    Bobby Fischer in Buenos Aires to play Tigran Petrosian in 1971

    January 19, 2008
    An Appraisal

    Fischer vs. the World: A Chess Giant's Endgame

    There may be only three human activities in which miraculous accomplishment is possible before adulthood: mathematics, music and chess. These are abstract, almost invented realms, closed systems bounded by rules of custom or principle. Here, the child learns, is how elements combine and transform; here are the laws that govern their interactions; and here are the possibilities that emerge as you play with signs, symbols, sounds or pieces. Nothing else need be known or understood — at least at first. A child's gifts in such realms can seem otherworldly, the achievements effortlessly magical. But as Bobby Fischer's death on Thursday might remind us, even abstract gifts can exact a terrible price.

    In 1956 Mr. Fischer, at 13, displayed powers that were not only prodigious but also uncanny. A game he played against Donald Byrne, one of the top 10 players in the United States, became known as "the Game of the Century," so packed was it with brilliance and daring (and Mr. Fischer's sacrifice of a queen). "I just got good," he explained — as indeed he did, winning 8 of the 10 United States Championship tournaments held after 1958 and then, of course, in 1972, breaking the long hold that Soviet chess had on the international championship.

    "All I want to do, ever," he said, "is play chess." And many thought him the best player — ever. Garry Kasparov once said that he imagined Mr. Fischer as a kind of centaur, a human player mythologically combined with the very essence of chess itself.

    But of course accompanying Mr. Fischer's triumphs were signs of something else. His aggressive declarations and grandiose pronouncements were once restricted to his chosen playing field. ("Chess is war over the board. The object is to crush the opponent's mind.") Eventually, they grew in scope, evolving into ever more sweeping convictions about the wider world.

    After his triumph against Boris Spassky in Reykjavik, Iceland, he all but abandoned chess, and seemed to replace the idea of a seated challenger pushing pieces on a 64-square board, with that of a demonic Jewish world conspiracy that was (as he said in radio broadcasts from the Philippines) perpetrated by a "filthy, lying bastard people" who kill Christian children ("their blood is used for black-magic ceremonies") while exploiting that "money-making invention," the Holocaust.

    In this vision the circumscribed rules of chess were overturned, and in their place were imagined esoteric plottings of evil grandmasters. In a 2002 essay in The Atlantic Monthly Rene Chun chronicled Mr. Fischer's "pathetic endgame." He was reported to keep a locked suitcase with him, containing pills and home remedies:

    "If the Commies come to poison me, I don't want to make it easy for them," he said. He had his dental fillings removed, worrying about the secret signals and controlling forces that might be channeled through his jaw. The 9/11 attacks, he said, were "wonderful news."

    What was all this? "I don't believe in psychology," Mr. Fischer once said about chess competition. "I believe in good moves." And yes, without the good moves, he would never have struck the fear in his opponents that he once did. But how did faith in good moves mutate into such perverse psychology? Was there any connection between his gifts in chess and his later delusions?

    You might of course speculate that his perceptions were affected by never having seen his father, a physicist named Mr. Fischer, after he was 2. A revealing profile in Harper's magazine in 1962 indicated that Mr. Fischer's mother, Regina Wender, also had other preoccupations. Bobby's sister described her as a "professional crusader." Bobby had dropped out of high school and was a chess wunderkind with a world reputation, while, at the time of the profile, his mother was spending eight months walking to Moscow in a "pacifist" protest.

    A few years ago the Philadelphia Inquirer, obtaining F.B.I. records under the Freedom of Information Act, also found compelling evidence that Bobby Fischer's father was not the man named on his birth certificate, but a brilliant Hungarian scientist, Paul F. Nemenyi, with whom his mother had an affair. Mr. Nemenyi apparently paid to help support Bobby, and there is even the record of a complaint he made to a social worker about Bobby's upbringing. If that identification is accurate, the paradoxes of Mr. Fischer's virulent anti-Semitism become still more profound, since Mr. Nemenyi, like Ms. Wender, was Jewish.

    Chess too can seem to encourage a streak of craziness. ( "I like to see 'em squirm," Mr. Fischer proclaimed.) But for paranoia and posturing, nothing could come close to the 1972 championship match in Reykjavik. In recent years the argument has been made that the attention given to the confrontation between Mr. Fischer and Mr. Spassky had little to do with the cold war. Mr. Spassky himself was no party-line comrade, and Mr. Fischer, with all his idiosyncrasies, was far from a comfort to the United States State Department; moreover, by 1972, such confrontations no longer had the symbolic power they had during the era of Sputnik. But there is still no question that the contest drew its worldwide audience partly because it presented two conflicting national idols.

    Mr. Fischer, with his demands about money, his finickiness about cameras and chairs and schedule, could seem an extreme example of the American individualist, while Mr. Spassky, with his back to the audience, his stone-faced demeanor and the state support for this national game behind him, seemed an incarnation of Soviet ideology. The Soviets also answered Mr. Fischer's egomaniacal posturing with their own versions of conspiracy mongering, suggesting that Mr. Spassky's performance was being deliberately sabotaged by American tampering with the players' environments; the air had to be tested and the chairs X-rayed.

    But there is still something about Mr. Fischer's craziness that is closely connected with the essential nature of chess. The gift of early insight into chess or math or music is often also accompanied by a growing obsession with those activities, simply because of the wonders of connection and invention that unfold in the young mind. The world itself, with its more messy human interactions, its complicated histories, its emotional conflicts, can be put aside, and attention focused on an intricate bounded cosmos.

    Perhaps we should be grateful that such gifts are so rare, for if they were not, how many of us would prefer to remain cocooned in these glass-bead games? At least in mathematics and music, we may be grateful too that ultimately, with the coming of maturity, the world starts to put constraints on abstract play. Great music attains its power not simply through manipulation and abstraction, but by creating analogies with experience; music is affected by life, not cut off from it. Mathematics also comes up against the demands of the world, as the field opens up to understanding; early insights are tested against the full scale of what has been already been done and what yet remains undone.

    But chess, alone among this abstract triumvirate, is never tested or transformed. The only way expertise is ever tried is in victory or defeat. And if a player is as profoundly powerful as Mr. Fischer, defeat never creates a sense of limits. Seeing into a game and defeating an opponent — that defines the entire world.

    So when it comes time to look at the wider world, it might seem a vast extension of the game, only ever so much more frightening because its conspiratorial strategies cannot be discovered in rule books, and its confrontations cannot be controlled by formal tournaments. That was the world that Bobby Fischer saw around him as he morphed from world champion chess player into world-class crank, never realizing that he had unwittingly blundered into checkmate.


    New Wave on the Black Sea

     

    RCINY/Tartan USA

    Corneliu Porumboiu

    January 20, 2008

    New Wave on the Black Sea

    "HAVE YOU SEEN THE ROMANIAN MOVIE?" This somewhat improbable question began to circulate around the midpoint of the 2005 Cannes Film Festival. For some reason, the critics, journalists and film-industry hangers-on who gather in Cannes each May to gossip and graze rarely refer to the films they see there by their titles, preferring a shorthand of auteur, genre or country of origin ("the Gus Van Sant"; "the Chinese documentary"; "that Russian thing"). It's a code that everyone is assumed to know, and in this case there was not much room for confusion. How many Romanian movies could there be?

    More than most of us would have predicted as it turned out. But for the moment we were happy to have "The Death of Mr. Lazarescu," the second feature by Cristi Puiu, though given the movie's methods and subject matter there was perhaps something a little perverse in our joy. Its exotic provenance was not the only thing that made Puiu's movie sound like something only a stereotypical film snob could love. More than two and a half hours long, "The Death of Mr. Lazarescu" chronicles the last night in the life of its title character, a flabby 63-year-old Bucharest pensioner with a stomachache and a drinking problem. Filmed in a quasi-documentary style in drab urban locations — a shabby apartment, the inside of an ambulance, a series of fluorescent-bulbed hospital waiting and examination rooms — it follows a narrative arc from morbidity to mortality punctuated by casual, appalling instances of medical malpractice.

    And yet viewers who witnessed poor Dante Lazarescu's unheroic passing on the grand screen of the Salle Debussy emerged from the experience feeling more exhilarated than depressed. "The Death of Mr. Lazarescu" is raw, melancholy and unflinching, but it is also lyrical, funny and, perhaps paradoxically, full of life. And though the wobbling camera and the use of unflattering available light create an atmosphere of tough, unadorned naturalism, the film is also, on closer inspection, a remarkably artful piece of work, with a strong, unpredictable story, rigorous camera work and powerfully understated performances. The excitement that greeted it came from the feeling that one of the oldest and strongest capacities of cinema — to capture and illuminate reality, one face, one room, one life at a time — had been renewed.

    When the festival was over, Cristi Puiu returned to Bucharest with an award, called Un Certain Regard, given to the best film in a side program that frequently upstages the main competition. The rest of us went home with the glow of discovery that is one reason we go to film festivals in the first place. This is not an especially unusual occurrence on the festival circuit. Every so often, a modest picture from an obscure place makes a big splash in the relatively small international art-film pond. But the triumph of "Mr. Lazarescu" in Cannes turned out to be a sign of things to come. In 2006, the year after "Mr. Lazarescu," attentive Cannes adventurers would find room in their screening schedules for two new Romanian movies, Catalin Mitulescu's "Way I Spent the End of the World" and Corneliu Porumboiu's "12:08 East of Bucharest," both of which dealt, albeit in very different ways, with the revolution of 1989. When the time came to hand out awards, Porumboiu won the Caméra d'Or, given to the best debut feature.

    A year later, the first film in the Cannes competition to be shown to the press was Cristian Mungiu's second feature, "4 Months, 3 Weeks and 2 Days," a harrowing, suspenseful story of illegal abortion and an unsparing portrait of daily life in the last years of Communist rule. By the end of the festival, "the Romanian abortion movie" (its inevitable and somewhat unfortunate shorthand designation) had overpowered a competitive field. There was much delight but no great surprise when Mungiu, a soft-spoken, round-faced 39-year-old, walked onto the stage of the Salle Lumière on the last night of the festival to accept the Palme d'Or, the festival's top prize and a token of membership in the world fraternity of cinematic masters (or at least in a diverse club whose other recent inductees include Roman Polanski, Lars von Trier and Michael Moore). Earlier in the day, the Certain Regard jury (one of whose members was Cristi Puiu) gave its award to "California Dreamin'," yet another Romanian movie whose director, the prodigiously talented Cristian Nemescu, died in a car accident the year before at the age of 27.

    In three years, then, four major prizes at the world's pre-eminent film festival went to movies from a country whose place in the history of 20th-century cinema might charitably be called marginal. The post-Cannes triumphal march of "4 Months, 3 Weeks and 2 Days" (it opens in New York on Friday) to the tops of English-language critics' polls and year-end lists, as well as to a Golden Globe nomination, offers belated confirmation of last spring's news flash from the Côte d'Azur. But perhaps you are hearing it here first: the Romanian new wave has arrived.

    IS THERE OR IS THERE NOT?

    Such is the consensus, or at least the hype, within the worldwide critical community. In Romania itself, where Mungiu's Palme d'Or was front-page news and occasioned a burst of national pride (including a medal bestowed on the director by the country's president), there is a bit more skepticism. The Romanian title of "12:08 East of Bucharest," the 2006 Caméra d'Or winner, is "Fost sau n-a fost," which translates as "was there or was there not?" The question is posed by the pompous host of a provincial television talk show to an undistinguished panel (consisting of an alcoholic schoolteacher, a semiretired Santa Claus and a desultory handful of callers) on the 16th anniversary of the revolution that overthrew Nicolae Ceausescu. The moderator wants his guests to address whether or not, in their sad little city in Moldavia (Porumboiu's hometown of Vaslui), the revolution really happened. A long and inconclusive debate follows, punctuated by verbal digressions and technical difficulties: a production assistant's hand reaches into the frame; the camera abruptly zooms in on the host's nose. ("At last, a close-up," he says). A discussion of contemporary Romanian cinema with Romanian filmmakers and critics can sometimes resemble that scene: "Is there or is there not a Romanian new wave?" Or, as it was put recently, with some irreverence, before a very distinguished panel at a contentious public debate held at the Romanian Cultural Institute in New York, "Romanian Cinema: The Golden Age?"

    Compared with what? Romanian cinema, it will be pointed out, was not born with "The Death of Mr. Lazarescu." As it happened, Cristian Mungiu's Palme d'Or arrived punctually on the 50th anniversary of the first Romanian Palme, awarded in 1957 to Ion Popescu-Gopo's "Short History," a charming, wordless animated short in which human evolution and industrial development culminate in the planting of large daisylike flowers on distant planets. More to the point, there was a Romanian movie industry in the 1970s and '80s, and many of the filmmakers whose movies traveled the festival rounds in those days — directors like Stere Gulea, Dan Pita and Mircea Daneliuc — are still active. The younger generation, furthermore, does not necessarily represent a unified or coherent movement.

    In an article published last summer in the English-language journal European Alternatives, Alex Leo Serban, one of Romania's leading film critics, instructed readers to keep in mind that "there are no 'waves,' . . . just individuals." When I met him in Bucharest in November, Puiu, the director of "Mr. Lazarescu," was more emphatic. "There is not, not, not, not, not a Romanian new wave," he insisted, hammering the point home against the arm of his living-room couch. Puiu, who studied painting in Switzerland before turning to film, is given to grand, counterintuitive statements. ("I am not a filmmaker!" he practically shouted at me when I asked him, in all innocence, what inspired him to become one.) To spend time with him — as I discovered in the course of a long evening at his apartment, during which several bottles of Romanian wine and countless American cigarettes joined Mr. Lazarescu in the great beyond — is to be drawn into frequent and fascinating argument. Over hors d'oeuvres, we stumbled into a friendly quarrel over the idea that anyone's life has ever really been changed by a book or a film, and as we ate roast lamb at Puiu's high, narrow kitchen table we debated whether or not a camera's zoom could be said to correspond to any activity of the human eye.

    When it comes to new waves, the critics who announce (or invent) them have more of an investment than artists, who understandably resist the notion that their individuality might be assimilated into some larger tendency. Ever since the French Nouvelle Vague of the late 1950s and early '60s, cinephiles have scanned the horizon looking for movement. In Czechoslovakia before 1968, in West Germany and Hollywood in the 1970s and more recently in Taiwan, Iran and Uzbekistan, the metaphor signaled newness, iconoclasm, a casting off of tradition and a rediscovery of latent possibilities. It also contains an implicit threat of obsolescence, since what crests and crashes ashore is also sure to ebb. Which may be one reason for partisans of Romanian cinema to resist the idea of a wave. If no one wins a prize next year in Cannes, will this golden age be over?

    But it's hard, all the same, for an outsider to give full credence to the notion that the current flowering of Romanian film is entirely a matter of happenstance, the serendipitous convergence of a bunch of idiosyncratic talents. For one thing, to watch recent Romanian movies — the features and the shorts, the festival prizewinners and those that might or should have been — is to discover a good deal of continuity and overlap in addition to obvious differences.

    Though they might be reluctant to admit it, the new Romanian filmmakers have a lot in common beyond their reliance on a small pool of acting and technical talent. Because of the stylistic elements they share — a penchant for long takes and fixed camera positions; a taste for plain lighting and everyday décor; a preference for stories set amid ordinary life — Puiu, Porumboiu and Mungiu are sometimes described as minimalists or neo-neorealists. But while their work does show some affinity with that of other contemporary European auteurs, like the Belgian brothers Jean-Pierre and Luc Dardenne, who make art out of the grim facts of quotidian existence, the realism of the Romanians has some distinct characteristics of its own.

    It seems like something more than coincidence, for example, that the five features that might constitute a mini-canon of 21st-century Romanian cinema — "Stuff and Dough," Puiu's first feature; "The Death of Mr. Lazarescu"; "12:08 East of Bucharest"; "The Paper Will Be Blue," by Radu Muntean; and "4 Months, 3 Weeks and 2 Days" — all confine their action to a single day and focus on a single action. This is less a matter of Aristotelian discipline than of respect for the contingency and loose-endedness of real experience. In each case, the action is completed — Lazarescu dies; the abortion in "4 Months" is performed; the broadcast in "12:08" comes to an end — but a lingering, haunting sense of inconclusiveness remains. The narratives have a shape, but they seem less like plots abstracted from life than like segments carved out of its rough rhythms. The characters are often in a state of restless, agitated motion, confused about where they are going and what they will find when they arrive. The camera follows them into ambulances, streetcars, armored vehicles and minivans, communicating with unsettling immediacy their anxiety and disorientation. The viewer is denied the luxury of distance. After a while, you feel you are living inside these movies as much as watching them.

    When Otilia, the heroine of "4 Months," joins a dinner party at her boyfriend's house, the camera stays across the table from her, putting the audience in the position of a silent, watchful guest. We know she has just been through an unspeakably strange and awful experience, but the others, friends of the boyfriend's parents, are oblivious, and their banal, posturing wisdom becomes excruciating. The emptiness of authority — whether generational, political or conferred by elevated social status — is an unmistakable theme in the work of nearly all the younger Romanian filmmakers. The doctors who neglect Mr. Lazarescu; the grandiose, small-time television host in "12:08"; the swaggering army commanders and rebel leaders in "The Paper Will Be Blue" and their successors, the officious bureaucrats in "California Dreamin' " — all of these men (and they are all men) display a self-importance that is both absurd and malignant. Their hold on power is mitigated sometimes by their own clumsiness but more often by unheralded, stubborn acts of ordinary decency. An ambulance technician decides to help out a suffering old man who is neither kin nor especially kind; a student stands stoically by her irresponsible friend; a militia officer, in the middle of a revolution, goes out of his way to find and protect an errant, idealistic young man under his command.

    There is almost no didacticism or point-making in these films, none of whose characters are easily sorted into good guys and bad guys. Instead, there is an almost palpable impulse to tell the truth, to present choices, conflicts and accidents without exaggeration or omission. This is a form of realism, of course, but its motivation seems to be as much ethical as aesthetic, less a matter of verisimilitude than of honesty. There is an unmistakable political dimension to this kind of storytelling, even when the stories themselves seem to have no overt political content. During the Ceausescu era, which ended abruptly, violently and somewhat ambiguously in December 1989 — in the last and least velvety of the revolutions of that year — Romanian public life was dominated by fantasies, delusions and lies. And the filmmakers who were able to work in such conditions resorted, like artists in other communist countries, to various forms of allegory and indirection. Both Puiu and Mungiu describe this earlier mode of Romanian cinema as "metaphorical," and both utter the word with a heavy inflection of disgust.

    "I wanted to become a filmmaker as a reaction to that kind of cinema," Mungiu told me. "Nothing like this ever happened in real life. And you got this desire to say: 'People, you don't know what you're talking about. This is all fake. This is not what you should be telling in films. I could do way better than you.' I felt this way, but I think this whole generation had that feeling. Those movies were badly acted, completely unbelievable, with stupid situations, lots of metaphors. It was a time when, you know, saying something about the system was more important than telling a story."

    The new generation finds itself with no shortage of stories to tell, whether about the traumas of the Stalinist past or the confusions of the Euro-consumerist present — and also, for the moment, with an audience eager to hear them.

    TALES FROM THE GOLDEN AGE

    Or perhaps with several different audiences. "Make sure you pay attention to the words on the screen at the beginning," Mungiu advised a packed house of moviegoers who had come, six months after Cannes, to see "4 Months, 3 Weeks and 2 Days." This was in Silver Spring, Md., at a program of new European movies presented by the American Film Institute. I saw Mungiu in Cannes in May and met him briefly at the New York Film Festival, but as it happened I would be unable to catch him in Bucharest. After his triumphant homecoming and a kind of roadshow Romanian release of "4 Months" over the summer, he had been in a state of frequent-flier exile familiar to successful filmmakers, crisscrossing the globe — with stops in Korea, Berlin, Los Angeles and now the suburbs of Washington — to show his movie.

    His opening remarks were meant to direct the audience's attention to the only part of "4 Months" that provides its story with explicit context, a note in the lower right-hand corner that says, "Romania, 1987." But for this crowd, it turned out, the explanation was redundant. They knew exactly where they were. Two-thirds of the way through the screening — at a point when the viewer is fully immersed in the helplessness and dread that are the film's governing emotions — I bumped into Mungiu just outside the theater doors. He appeared to be listening intently to what was going on inside. "I think there are a lot of Romanians here tonight," he said, looking up. I asked what gave him that impression. "They're laughing," he said. "They always do."

    Now, it should be noted that "4 Months" is about as far from a comedy as a movie can be. If you were looking for a generic label, you could do worse than to call it a kind of horror movie, in which the two main characters, young women in jeopardy, are subjected to the sadism of an unscrupulous abortionist and, almost worse, the indifference, hostility and incomprehension of just about everyone else. It is not an easy film to watch, but it feels, to a non-Romanian, like an absolutely convincing anatomy of what ordinary people endured under communism. And it clearly felt that way to the members of the Romanian diaspora as well, except that they found humor in addition to horror in revisiting a familiar bygone world. What followed the screening was less the anticipated Q-and-A session than a trip down memory lane, which spilled out into the theater lobby and continued well into the night. "That was exactly like my dorm room at university," one woman announced. Another wanted to know how Mungiu found the brands of soap, gum and other items that had been staples of the Ceausescu era. ("You can find anything on the Internet," he replied.)

    Mungiu originally conceived "4 Months," which is based on something that happened to a woman he knows, as part of a series of "Tales From the Golden Age," an ironic reference to the way Ceausescu characterized his reign, which began in 1965. Born in 1968, Mungiu calls himself a "child of the decree," meaning Ceausescu's 1966 edict restricting abortion and birth control for the purpose of spurring economic development by increasing the Romanian population. Though the law fell short of its demographic goals, it did in its way spawn a handful of new Romanian filmmakers, who reached adolescence and early adulthood just as Ceausescu's monstrous utopian experiment was collapsing. Puiu was born in 1967. Muntean, whose experience in the military during the 1989 revolution is the basis of "The Paper Will Be Blue," is four years younger. Corneliu Porumboiu was 14 (and playing table tennis with a friend) when the old regime fell.

    Its demise was an anomaly, much as the regime itself was. One especially painful aspect of Romanian communism was that it was, well, Romanian — an indigenous outgrowth at least as much as a foreign imposition. For much of his reign, Ceausescu was admired in the West for his relative independence from Moscow, but internally he fostered a nationalist cult of personality that in some ways had more in common with Kim Il Sung's North Korea (which Ceausescu came to admire after visiting in the early 1970s) than with desultory bureaucratic police states like Czechoslovakia and East Germany. And perhaps for this reason — because Romanians were not simply throwing off an imperial yoke, but at the same time exorcising a leader who claimed to be the highest incarnation of their identity as a people — the Romanian revolution was by far the most violent in Eastern Europe in 1989. Elsewhere, the imagery of that year consists of hammers chipping at the Berlin Wall and a playwright installed in Prague Castle, but in Romania there are soldiers firing into crowds, torn flags and the summary execution, on Christmas Day, of the dictator and his wife. And the nature of the event is shadowed, to this day, by doubt and irresolution. Was it a popular uprising or a coup d'etat sponsored by an opportunistic faction within the military and the ruling party? Its aftermath — in particular the violent suppression of pro-democracy demonstrations in June 1990 — was nearly as bloody as the revolution itself, and the transition out of communism in the 1990s was marked by economic crisis, political stalemate and social malaise.

    It would be an unwarranted generalization for me to claim that Romanians are still preoccupied with this history. I can say, though, that every conversation I had in Bucharest, even the most casual, circled back to the old days, so that I sometimes felt that they ended much more recently than 18 years ago. And the physical aspect of Bucharest confirms this impression. The busy shopping streets have the usual storefronts — Sephora, Hugo Boss, various cellphone carriers and European grocery chains — and the main north-south road out of town is jammed with Land Rovers and lined with big-box discount stores. Turn a corner, though, or glance behind one of the billboards mounted on the walls of old buildings, and you are thrown backward, from the shiny new age of the European Union (which Romania joined only last year) into the rustiest days of the Iron Curtain. The architecture is a jumble of late-19th-century Hapsburg-style villas and gray socialist apartment blocks, some showing signs of renovation, others looking as if they had fallen under the protection of some mad Warsaw Pact preservation society.

    This layering of the old and the new was perhaps most apparent when I visited Bucharest's National University of Drama and Film (U.N.A.T.C.), a venerable institution housed in a building rumored to have been previously used as a training facility for the Securitate, Ceausescu's notorious secret police. Mungiu, Porumboiu and Nemescu are all U.N.A.T.C. graduates, and Puiu currently teaches courses there in screen acting. Like much else in the city, the complex was under renovation, with freshly painted walls and tools banging and buzzing in the corridors and courtyards. In a drafty classroom downstairs, I was introduced to members of the faculty, who sat silently and warily, arms folded, as, with the help of an interpreter, I fumbled through an explanation of my interest in new Romanian film. It was not an interest any of them gave much indication of sharing, apart from one voluble professor. "We are all dinosaurs, but at least I will admit that I am one," he announced, before going on to praise the achievements of his former students.

    Afterward, feeling as if I had just failed an oral exam, I went upstairs to meet with some current students — about 40 of them, crowded into a small screening room. The difference between them and their professors seemed to be more than just a matter of age and status. They belonged to a different world, one in which I felt perfectly at home. I wanted to talk about Romanian cinema, and while they had a lot to say about the subject, they also wanted to talk about Borat and David Lynch, about Sundance and the Oscars, about Japanese anime and "Hedwig and the Angry Inch."

    Fost sau n-a fost? You tell me.

    CALIFORNIA DREAMIN'

    "There is no Romanian film industry." This is not another one of Cristi Puiu's counterintuitive provocations but rather a statement I was to hear again and again in Bucharest as I visited the offices of film schools and production companies, a studio back lot and the headquarters of the National Center for Cinematography (C.N.C.). There was no shortage of industriousness, but Romania lacks the basic infrastructure that makes the cycle of production, distribution and exhibition viable in other countries. What is missing, above all, is movie theaters: there are around 80 cinemas serving a country of 22 million people, and 7 of the 42 largest municipalities have no movie screens at all. (In the United States there are almost 40,000 screens and millions of movie fans who still complain that there is nothing to see).

    What Romania does have, in addition to a backlog of stories crying out to be told on screen, are traditions and institutions that give filmmakers at least some of the tools required to tell them. The "dinosaurs" at U.N.A.T.C. take their pupils through a rigorous program of instruction that includes courses in aesthetics and art history and requires them to make two 35-millimeter short films before graduating, one of them in black and white. This kind of old-school technical training, which extends to acting as well, surely accounts for some of the sophistication and self-assurance that Mungiu, Porumboiu and their colleagues display.

    Not that anything comes easily. The shortage of screens means that the potential for domestic commercial returns is small, and therefore it is hard to attract substantial private investment, either from within Romania or from outside the country. And the scarcity of theaters makes exhibition quotas — which other countries use to protect their film industries from being overwhelmed by Hollywood — untenable. But if there is no film industry, there is at least a Law of Cinematography (modeled on a French statute) that establishes a mechanism by which the state helps finance movie production. Taxes collected on television advertising revenue, DVD sales and other media-related transactions go into a fund, money from which is distributed in a twice-yearly competition. Winning projects are ranked, with the top selections receiving as much as 50 percent of their production costs from the fund. Film costs tend to be modest — the budget of "4 Months" was around 700,000 euros — and the filmmakers have 10 years to pay back the state's investment, at which point they own the film outright.

    Many of the filmmakers I spoke to complained about the system. Porumboiu, impatient with its slow pace and bureaucratic obstacles, financed "12:08" himself. Shortly before Cannes last year, Mungiu was involved in a public spat with the C.N.C. that made headlines in the local press. After a dispute with the center, Puiu circulated a letter pledging never to participate in the system again.

    But a collection of the movies that arose from harmonious relations between filmmakers and their financiers would consist largely of home videos and vanity projects. Even frustrated artists, in other words, can flourish. And their success abroad, moreover, feeds the system with prestige and helps bring in money from the European Union and adventurous foreign investors.

    Though Romania's homegrown film industry will most likely remain small, it exists in close proximity to Hollywood itself. American audiences may not be familiar with "The Paper Will Be Blue" or "Stuff and Dough," but those who have seen "Cold Mountain," "Borat" or "Seed of Chucky" can claim some acquaintance with Romanian cinema, or at least with movies made in Romania. About 20 miles outside of Bucharest, where newly built suburban developments give way to farmland, is the Castel Film Studio, a vast complex that houses the largest soundstage in Europe, a 200,000-gallon tank for underwater filming and standing sets like city streets, a full-size wingless jet and the mountain hamlet from "Cold Mountain."

    Castel promises skilled labor at a lower cost than producers are likely to find in the United States or Western Europe (though the weakness of the dollar has made its prices a bit less attractive to Americans). Its crews are trained at the rigorous Romanian film schools, and in turn receive hands-on experience with equipment that is hard to come by in modest Romanian productions. Oleg Mutu, the director of photography who brought Bucharest to gloomy life in "Mr. Lazarescu" and "4 Months," spent a few weeks operating a camera on "Cold Mountain." Cristi Puiu recently shot an insurance commercial at Castel. The U.N.A.T.C. students, even as they dream of Golden Palms and envision making tough, realistic movies about immigrants, Gypsies and alienated youth, acknowledge that they are more likely to find paying work in advertising or television.

    Meanwhile, the stars of the current wave — who are part of what is to my mind the most exciting development in a European national cinema since Spain in the 1980s — contemplate their next projects and prepare their proposals for the next round of C.N.C. competitions. One afternoon in Bucharest, Corneliu Porumboiu and I sat in the cafe at the Bucharest Cinematheque, drinking coffee and talking about movies: Woody Allen; "The Lives of Others"; the Italian neorealists. The Cinematheque is a kind of mothership for Bucharest cineastes. It's where they went to discover exotic films when they were younger, and where their films are now shown and celebrated in a country without many other public places for movie going.

    After a while, we got up, and Porumboiu offered to show me around the screening rooms. At the box-office entrance, decorated with a "4 Months, 3 Weeks and Two Days" flier, a guard confronted us and shooed us away. The facilities were closed. Porumboiu tried to explain that he wanted to show them to a guest from New York, but he was rebuffed. We could buy a ticket or rent out a theater, but we couldn't just walk in and look around. And so we wandered away, to find another place to hang out in this bustling, bedraggled city. It occurred to me that maybe there was no Romanian translation of the sentence "Do you know who I am?" — which would have been the first thing out of an American director's mouth in a similar situation. Or perhaps this was a double-edged metaphor: maybe in Bucharest, nowadays, a filmmaker with a prize from Cannes is nothing special.

    A.O. Scott, a film critic at The Times, last wrote for the magazine about the history of the Hollywood Western.


    On Africa’s Roof, Still Crowned With Snow

     

    Tom Norring

    Trekkers at Uhuru on Mount Kilimanjaro's Kibo peak. At 19,340 feet, it's the highest point in Africa

    January 20, 2008
    Explorer | Mount Kilimanjaro

    On Africa's Roof, Still Crowned With Snow

    By NEIL MODIE

    A THICK veil of snow had settled on Kilimanjaro the morning after my group arrived in Tanzania. Over breakfast, we gazed at the peak filling the sky above the palm trees of our hotel courtyard in Moshi, the town closest to the mountain. It was as Hemingway described it: "as wide as all the world, great, high, and unbelievably white in the sun."

    I had wanted to climb to the roof of Africa before climate change erased its ice fields and the romance of its iconic "Snows of Kilimanjaro" image. But as we trudged across the 12,000-foot Shira plateau on Day 2 of our weeklong climb and gazed at the whiteness of the vast, humpbacked summit, I thought maybe I needn't have worried.

    An up-and-down-and-up traverse of the south face of Kibo, the tallest of the mountain's three volcanic peaks, showed us a panorama of the summit ice cap and fractured tentacles of glacial ice that dangled down gullies dividing the vertical rock faces. And four days later, when we reached 19,340-foot Uhuru, the highest point on Kibo, we beheld snow and ice fields so enormous as to resemble the Arctic.

    It looked nothing like the photographs of Kibo nearly denuded of ice and snow in the Al Gore documentary "An Inconvenient Truth." Nor did it seem to jibe with the film's narrative: "Within the decade, there will be no more snows of Kilimanjaro."

    As it turned out, we had simply been lucky.

    This was the last week of January — nearly a year ago — and the middle of the dry season. But several weeks of heavy rain and snow preceded the arrival of our group, 10 mountaineering clients and a professional guide from International Mountain Guides, based near Seattle. That made for a freakishly well-fed snow pack and the classic snowy image portrayed on travel posters, the label of the local Kilimanjaro Premium Lager and the T-shirts hawked in Moshi's tourist bazaars. But to many climate scientists and glaciologists who have probed and measured, the disappearance of the summit's ice fields is inevitable and imminent.

    Lonnie Thompson, a glaciologist at Ohio State University who has studied Kilimanjaro's ice fields for years, photographed the summit a year to the week, coincidentally, before we were there. He found only a few, isolated snow patches in shaded areas, a drastic difference from what we encountered. Even on the world's highest free-standing volcano, seasonal snow doesn't remain on a peak so close to the Equator.

    One of our Tanzanian guides, John Mtui, a tall, bespectacled and soft-spoken Chagga — the people who inhabit Kilimanjaro's southern foothills — began climbing the mountain as a porter 25 years earlier, when he was 18. "When I first started climbing, we had big snow, big glaciers," Mr. Mtui said. "The glaciers were bigger and taller than now. And also, the weather changed. We had heavier rain than we have now."

    Like other exotic destinations widely believed to be threatened by degradation from climate change, the mountain's precariousness has become a marketing opportunity. The adventure travel industry sends about 30,000 climbers a year toward Kilimanjaro's summit. Scientific and outdoor magazines mention the imminent loss of the ice fields. So do guide services and outfitters on their Web sites. Our climb leader, Justin Merle, a mellow 6-foot-4 man in his late 20s who has a world-class mountaineering résumé, said of the typical adventure-travel article: "It's like, 'See Kili Before the Snow Is Gone.' That's almost a catchphrase."

    Given Kilimanjaro's snow, glaciers and volcanic upbringing, it didn't look all that different from peaks I've climbed in my native Northwest. From my living room in Seattle, I can gaze at Mount Rainier, which I've climbed a dozen times. Even in the dead of summer, it retains a mantle of ice that makes it seem like a hulking life form. Kilimanjaro is almost unimaginably bigger: nearly a mile higher, it covers 1,250 square miles abutting Kenya.

    And yet, unlike Rainier, climbing Kilimanjaro required no real mountaineering skills, no ice axes, ropes or crampons, merely strong legs, hearts and lungs for trudging more than three and a half vertical miles above sea level. That, and a supply of Diamox, to fend off altitude sickness.

    Our approach was on the Machame, the most scenic and second-most heavily traveled — a distant second — of the six designated routes to the summit. Even so, our six camps along the way, five on the ascent and one on the descent, were 200-tent metropolises.

    The most heavily congested approach is the Marangu, called the "tourist" or "Coca-Cola" route, a reflection of its overcrowded, touristy ambience and the ubiquitous soft drink, which is sold at camps along the way. Our longer, more macho Machame is known as the "whiskey route."

    The trip to the summit and back down again covered 39 miles. Most of my companions were seasoned hikers and backpackers but had scant mountaineering experience. Two exceptions were Todd Ziegler, an orthopedic surgeon from an Atlanta suburb, and his friend, Julie Nellis, a physical therapist from Atlanta, a diminutive but tireless, multisport athlete and the only woman on the trip. Both had climbed Rainier and major summits in the Sierra Nevada, the Rockies, Mexico and elsewhere.

    Mr. Merle had already guided expeditions to four of the Seven Summits — Aconcagua, Everest, McKinley and Vinson Massif in Antarctica. Kilimanjaro was his easiest. We 11 Americans were the pampered tip of a human iceberg that included three Tanzanian guides and 38 porters and cooks, all Chaggas. They cooked and served our meals, boiled our water and carried much of our individual gear along with cook pots, food, our sleeping tents and a walk-in dining tent. As we'd trudge with our day packs up the mountain, the porters — some in their midteens — would overtake us while hauling on their backs our duffels containing our sleeping bags and extra clothing, tents and plastic armchairs. "Jambo," they'd murmur, Swahili for "hello"; it was a polite way of saying, "Coming through. Step aside."

    We passed through ecological zones of spectacular diversity: equatorial rain forest, followed by misty heath and moors dotted with outsize, otherworldly flora, then alpine high desert and finally the frigid, dry summit zone. It was all on trail, but several steep stretches required grabbing handholds on near-vertical rock.

    At 5,718 feet at the trailhead Machame Gate, we set out on a muddy track in the rain forest, thick with vines, old-man's-beard and trees perched atop giant above-ground roots. The cloudy sky abruptly gave way to heavy rain, which ceased once we made our way up a misty hogback ridge onto the Shira plateau, covered with giant heathers and sprinkled with glossy volcanic obsidian.

    As we traversed the plateau, gaining, losing and regaining elevation between 12,300 feet and 15,200 feet, four of us took Mr. Merle's offer to make a side trip to the Lava Tower, a black volcanic plug rising some 300 vertical feet above the plateau, while the others hiked on to the next camp.

    I get spooked scrambling up even nontechnical vertical rock. But when Mr. Merle asked if any of us wanted to ascend the tower, and Ms. Nellis instantly chirped, "I want to go," the rest of us followed, assisted by Mr. Merle and Mr. Mtui in finding each handhold and foothold.

    In the moors were the region's most distinctively weird plants: colonnade-like, eight-foot lobelias and clusters of tree-size senecio kilimanjari, or giant groundsels, with clumps of cabbage-shaped leaf clusters atop withered-looking trunks.

    Kilimanjaro's abundant wildlife was rarely visible. Small snakes and monkeys scurried away from us in the rain forest. Jet-black, white-necked ravens — sturdy, hatchet-beaked, mean-looking — uttered guttural croaks as they fought over food scraps at the higher camps.

    At our highest camp, austere Barafu (ice in Swahili) on a cliff top at 15,200 feet, the only permanent residents were primitive lichens and mosses. From there, starting at midnight with headlamps, we clambered, gulping thin air, up frozen scree the final 4,100 vertical feet to the summit. "Pole-pole," the porters counseled, Swahili for slowly. As if we could do otherwise.

    On several steep, single-file stretches, we waged elbow and expletive duels with Italian, American and Russian parties trying to crowd past us and other teams who were slowed by traffic jams of climbers above us.

    Patchy snow covered the upper slopes above approximately 18,500 feet. At dawn, as we reached Stella Point at the lower lip of Kibo's summit crater, the fluted walls of the flat-topped Rebmann Glacier stretched out to our left.

    Snow blanketed the summit area, a mile and a half wide and hemmed by glaciers. Uhuru, the highest point in all Africa, was a 45-minute slog ahead.

    From there, we gazed toward Kenya, obscured by clouds, on the mountain's northern flank. In the distance to the southwest rose the volcanic cone of Mount Meru, 15,000 feet. Seven miles to the east, yet still part of the Kilimanjaro massif, was its fanged, eroded, second-highest peak and Africa's third highest, 16,893-foot Mawenzi. (Mount Kenya, about 90 miles north of Nairobi, is No. 2 at 17,058 feet.)

    All 10 of us reached the summit, even two stragglers fighting altitude sickness. That let International Mountain Guides continue to boast of a 100 percent success rate in getting its Kilimanjaro clients to the top. That flies in the face of the mountain's overall record, thought to be roughly 50 percent failures, mainly on the less acclimatization-friendly Marangu route.

    After the ascent, we dropped 4,100 feet back down loose scree to Barafu for a brief rest. Then we descended another 5,000 vertical feet, the last hours in a downpour, to muddy Mweka Camp, our final overnight, in the rain forest.

    There, we beheld a most welcome namesake of the mountain: Kilimanjaro Premium Lager, sold by the Mweka park ranger out of his tiny hut.

    Descending the final 4,800 feet of elevation to Mweka Gate, we found a clamorous gaggle of local entrepreneurs hustling T-shirts, souvenirs and services. Two dollars bought me an incomparable bargain: a thorough scrubbing, rinsing and wiping of my mud-caked boots, gaiters and trekking poles.

    Back at the Keys Hotel in Moshi that night, the local lager was the official beverage of our victory celebration. On its label, at least, Kilimanjaro's snows would never disappear.

    IF YOU GO

    Kilimanjaro has two main climbing seasons: January through February and mid-June through mid-October, typically the most stable weather periods. The mountain has six established routes to the summit, some of them demanding mountaineering routes. The most heavily used trekking route is the Marangu, but other routes take longer to reach the summit and allow for more gradual acclimatization.

    Numerous adventure travel companies in the United States and abroad offer guided climbs of Kilimanjaro. International Mountain Guides (360-569-2609; www.mountainguides.com), which has led treks to the summit since 1989, takes the Machame route. There are a 7-day climb for $3,600 and a 15-day trip for $4,975 that includes a wildlife safari to the Ngorongoro Crater and the Serengeti Plain. Prices include park fees and in-country travel.

    Alpine Ascents International (206-378-1927; www.alpineascents.com) has scheduled 2008 winter climbs at about $5,600, via Machame and including a safari in a 15-day trip. There are climb-only ($4,700) and safari-only ($2,500) options.

    Rainier Mountaineering (888-892-5462 or 360-569-2227; www.rmiguides.com) offers a 13-day climb via the Machame route and a safari for $4,895 or a 9-day climb-only trip for $3,495.

    Mountain Travel Sobek (888-687-6235 or 510-594-6000; www.mtsobek.com) takes trekkers on a less traveled route, the Rongai, to Kilimanjaro's summit in a 14-day trip that includes a wildlife safari and a stay on Kenya's coast. Prices start at $5,995 plus $1,050 for park fees and $300 for in-country airfare, or a 10-day climb-only option for $3,995 plus $975 for park fees and $200 for in-country airfare.


    Faith, Freedom and Bling in the Middle East

    Fred R. Conrad/The New York Times

    Maureen Dowd

    January 16, 2008
    Op-Ed Columnist

    Faith, Freedom and Bling in the Middle East

    RIYADH, Saudi Arabia

    As a Saudi soldier with a gold sword high-stepped in front of him, President Bush walked slowly beside King Abdullah through the shivery gray mist enveloping the kingdom, following the red carpet leading from Air Force One to the airport terminal.

    When the two stepped onto the escalator, the president tenderly reached for the king’s hand, in case the older man needed help. He certainly does need help, but not the kind he is prepared to accept.

    It took Mr. Bush almost his entire presidency to embrace diplomacy, but now that he’s in the thick of it, or perhaps the thin of it — given his speed-dating approach to statesmanship — he is kissing and holding hands with kings, princes, emirs, sheiks and presidents all over the Arab world and is trying to persuade them that he is not in a monogamous relationship with the Jews.

    His message boiled down to: Iran bad, Israel good, Iraq doing better.

    Blessed is the peacemaker who comes bearing a $30 billion package of military aid for Israel and a $20 billion package of Humvees and guided bombs for the Arabs.

    Like the slick Hollywood guy in “Annie Hall” who has a notion that he wants to turn into a concept and then develop into an idea, W. has resumed his mantra of having a vision that turns into freedom that could develop into global democracy.

    W.’s peace train quickly gave way to the warpath, however, with Mr. Bush devoting a good chunk of time to the unfinished war in Iraq and the possibility of a war with Iran.

    In meetings with leaders, he privately pooh-poohed the National Intelligence Estimate asserting that Iran had halted its nuclear weapons program in 2003. On Fox News, he openly broke with intelligence analysts, telling Greta Van Susteren about Iran: “I believe they want a weapon, and I believe that they’re trying to gain the know-how as to how to make a weapon under the guise of a civilian nuclear program.”

    Less than a week after the president arrived in the Middle East, three violent eruptions — an Israeli raid killing at least 18 Palestinians, 13 of whom were militants; an American Embassy car bombing in Beirut; and a luxury hotel suicide-bombing in Kabul — underscored how Sisyphean a task he has set for himself.

    “This is one of the results of the Bush visit,” said Mahmoud Zahar, a Hamas leader, as he went to a Gaza hospital to see the body of his son, a militant killed in the battle. “He encouraged the Israelis to kill our people.”

    Arab TV offered an uncomfortable juxtaposition: Al Arabiya running the wretched saga of Gaza children suffering from a lack of food and medicine during the Israeli blockade, blending into the wretched excess scenes of W. being festooned with rapper-level bling from royal hosts flush with gazillions from gouging us on oil.

    W.’s 11th-hour bid to save his legacy from being a shattered Iraq — even as the Iraqi defense minister admitted that American troops would be needed to help with internal security until at least 2012 and border defense until at least 2018 — recalled MTV’s “Cribs.”

    At a dinner last night in the king’s tentlike retreat, where the 8-foot flat-screen TV in the middle of the room flashed Arab news, the president and his advisers Elliott Abrams and Josh Bolten went native, lounging in floor-length, fur-lined robes, as if they were Peter O’Toole and Omar Sharif.

    In Abu Dhabi, Sheik Khalifa bin Zayed al-Nahyan gave the president — dubbed “the Wolf of the Desert” by a Kuwaiti poet — a gigantic necklace made of gold, diamonds, rubies and emeralds, so gaudy and cumbersome that even the Secret Service agent carrying it seemed nonplussed. Here in Saudi Arabia, the king draped W. with an emerald-and-ruby necklace that could have come from Ali Baba’s cave.

    Time’s Massimo Calabresi described the Kuwaiti emir’s residence where W. dined Friday as “crass class”: “Loud paintings of harems and the ruling Sabah clan hang near Louis XVI enameled clocks and candlesticks in the long hallways.”

    In Abu Dhabi, the president made a less-than-rousing speech about democracy while staying in the less-than-democratic Emirates Palace hotel’s basketball-court-size Ruler’s Suite — an honor reserved for royalty and W. and denied to Elton John, who is coming later this month to play the Palace.

    The president’s grandiose room included a ballroom, in case Mr. Bush wanted to practice the tribal sword dancing he has been rather sheepishly doing with some of his hosts, something between Zorba and Zorro. The $3 billion, seven-star, 84,114-square-foot pink marble hotel — said to be the most expensive ever built — would make Trump blush. It glistens with 64,000 square feet of 22-carat gold leaf, 1,000 chandeliers, 20,000 roses changed every day, 200 fountains, a dome higher than St. Peter’s, an archway larger than the Arc de Triomphe, a beach with white sand shipped in from Algeria and a private heliport. The rooms, scattered with rose petals, range from $1,598 to $12,251.

    Puddle jumping through Arabia, the president saw his share of falcons in little leather hoods — presumably not a Gitmo reference — and Arabian stallions, including one retired stud from Texas — presumably not a W. reference. But there was a distinct dearth of wives and dissidents.

    It does not bode well for the president’s ability to push the Israelis and Palestinians that he has done so little to push Musharraf on catching Osama, despite our $10 billion endowment, or the Saudis on women’s rights and human rights, even with the $20 billion arms package.

    At a press conference last night, the Saudi foreign minister, Prince Saud al-Faisal, was asked what the president and king had discussed about human rights.

    “About what?” the prince repeated flatly.

    “Human rights,” Condi prompted.

    “Human rights?” the stately prince pondered, before shimmying out of the question.

    Though W. has made the issue of the progress of women in the Middle East a central part of “the freedom agenda” — he had a roundtable over the weekend with Kuwaiti women on democracy and development — he doesn’t seem bothered that 17 years after his father protected the Saudis when Saddam invaded Kuwait, Saudi women still can’t drive or publicly display hair or skin and still get beheaded and lashed because of archaic laws. Neither does the female secretary of state of the United States.

    “It’s not allowed for ladies to use the gym,” the Marriott desk clerk told me, an American woman in an American franchise traveling with an American president.

    W. was strangely upbeat throughout the trip — “Dates put you in a good mood, right?” he joked to reporters yesterday, specifying that he meant the fruit — even though back home the Republican candidates were running from him and clinging to Reagan.

    The Saudi big shots I talked to were intrigued that W. is now more in the sway of Condi than Bombs Away Cheney. They admire his intention about making peace, even though they’re skeptical that he has the time or competence to do it; and they’re sure that the Israelis need more of a shove than a nudge.

    They are also dubious about his attempts to demonize and isolate Iran.

    “We don’t need America to dictate our enemies to us, especially when it’s our neighbor,” said an insider at the Saudi royal court. The Saudis invited the Iranian president, I’m-a-Dinner-Jacket, to their hajj pilgrimage last month.

    Saudis and Palestinians grumbled that they find it hard to listen to the president’s high-flown paeans to democracy when he only acknowledges his brand of democracy. When Hamas, Hezbollah and the Muslim Brotherhood won elections, W. sought to undermine them. The results of the elections were certainly troubling, but is democratization supposed to be about outcomes?

    They also think W.’s plan cancels itself out. The Israelis don’t have to stop settlements if rockets are coming in from Gaza, and Abbas, the Palestinian president, can’t stop rockets from going out of an area he does not control.

    The president who described himself at Galilee as “a pilgrim” makes peace sound as easy as three faiths sharing, when history has shown that the hardest thing on earth is three faiths sharing.

    Asked by ABC’s Terry Moran what he was thinking when he stood on the site where Jesus performed miracles at the Sea of Galilee, W. replied: “I reflected on the story in the New Testament about the calm and the rough seas, because it was on those very seas that the Lord was in the boat with the disciples, and they were worried about the waves and the wind, and the sea calmed. That’s what I reflected on: the calm you can find in putting your faith in a higher power.”

    Clearly, the man believes in miracles.


    Japan's Best Sellers Go Cellular

     

    Ko Sasaki for The New York Times

    Japan's younger generation came of age with the cellphone, and created its own popular culture by tapping thumbs on keypads.

    January 20, 2008

    Japan's Best Sellers Go Cellular

    TOKYO — Until recently, cellphone novels — composed on phone keypads by young women wielding dexterous thumbs and read by fans on their tiny screens — had been dismissed in Japan as a subgenre unworthy of the country that gave the world its first novel, "The Tale of Genji," a millennium ago. Then last month, the year-end best-seller tally showed that cellphone novels, republished in book form, have not only infiltrated the mainstream but have come to dominate it.

    Of last year's 10 best-selling novels, five were originally cellphone novels, mostly love stories written in the short sentences characteristic of text messaging but containing little of the plotting or character development found in traditional novels. What is more, the top three spots were occupied by first-time cellphone novelists, touching off debates in the news media and blogosphere.

    "Will cellphone novels kill 'the author'?" a famous literary journal, Bungaku-kai, asked on the cover of its January issue. Fans praised the novels as a new literary genre created and consumed by a generation whose reading habits had consisted mostly of manga, or comic books. Critics said the dominance of cellphone novels, with their poor literary quality, would hasten the decline of Japanese literature.

    Whatever their literary talents, cellphone novelists are racking up the kind of sales that most more experienced, traditional novelists can only dream of.

    One such star, a 21-year-old woman named Rin, wrote "If You" over a six-month stretch during her senior year in high school. While commuting to her part-time job or whenever she found a free moment, she tapped out passages on her cellphone and uploaded them on a popular Web site for would-be authors.

    After cellphone readers voted her novel No. 1 in one ranking, her story of the tragic love between two childhood friends was turned into a 142-page hardcover book last year. It sold 400,000 copies and became the No. 5 best-selling novel of 2007, according to a closely watched list by Tohan, a major book distributor.

    "My mother didn't even know that I was writing a novel," said Ms. Rin, who, like many cellphone novelists, goes by only one name. "So at first when I told her, well, I'm coming out with a novel, she was like, what?

    "She didn't believe it until it came out and appeared in book stores."

    The cellphone novel was born in 2000 after a home-page-making Web site, Maho no i-rando, realized that many users were writing novels on their blogs; it tinkered with its software to allow users to upload works in progress and readers to comment, creating the serialized cellphone novel. But the number of users uploading novels began booming only two to three years ago, and the number of novels listed on the site reached one million last month, according to Maho no i-rando.

    The boom appeared to have been fueled by a development having nothing to do with culture or novels but by mobile-phone companies' decision to offer unlimited transmission of packet data, like text-messaging, as part of flat monthly rates. The largest provider, Docomo, began offering this service in mid-2004.

    "Their cellphone bills were easily reaching $1,000, so many people experienced what they called 'packet death,' and you wouldn't hear from them for a while," said Shigeru Matsushima, an editor who oversees the book uploading site at Starts Publishing, a leader in republishing cellphone novels.

    The affordability of cellphones coincided with the coming of age of a generation of Japanese for whom cellphones, more than personal computers, had been an integral part of their lives since junior high school. So they read the novels on their cellphones, even though the same Web sites were also accessible by computer. They punched out text messages with their thumbs with blinding speed, and used expressions and emoticons, like smilies and musical notes, whose nuances were lost on anyone over the age of 25.

    "It's not that they had a desire to write and that the cellphone happened to be there," said Chiaki Ishihara, an expert in Japanese literature at Waseda University who has studied cellphone novels. "Instead, in the course of exchanging e-mail, this tool called the cellphone instilled in them a desire to write."

    Indeed, many cellphone novelists had never written fiction before, and many of their readers had never read novels before, according to publishers.

    Cellphone writers are not paid for their work, no matter how many millions of times their novels might be read online. The payoff, if any, comes when the novels are reproduced and sold as traditional books. Readers have free access to the Web sites that carry the novels, or pay at most $1 to $2 a month, but the sites make most of their money from advertising.

    Critics say the novels owe a lot to a genre devoured by the young: comic books. In cellphone novels, characters tend to remain undeveloped and descriptions thin, while paragraphs are often fragments and consist mostly of dialogue.

    "Traditionally, Japanese would depict a scene emotionally, like 'The train came out of the long tunnel into the snow country,' " Mika Naito, a novelist, said, referring to the famous opening sentence of Yasunari Kawabata's "Snow Country."

    "In cellphone novels, you don't need that," said Ms. Naito, 36, who recently began writing cellphone novels at the urging of her publisher. "If you limit it to a certain place, readers won't be able to feel a sense of familiarity."

    Written in the first person, many cellphone novels read like diaries. Almost all the authors are young women delving into affairs of the heart, spiritual descendants, perhaps, of Shikibu Murasaki, the 11th century royal lady-in-waiting who wrote "The Tale of Genji."

    "Love Sky," a debut novel by a young woman named Mika, was read by 20 million people on cellphones or on computers, according to Maho no i-rando, where it was first uploaded. A tear-jerker featuring adolescent sex, rape, pregnancy and a fatal disease — the genre's sine qua non — the novel nevertheless captured the young generation's attitude, its verbal tics and the cellphone's omnipresence. Republished in book form, it became the No. 1 selling novel last year and was made into a movie.

    Given the cellphone novels' domination of the mainstream, critics no longer dismiss them, though some say they should be classified with comic books or popular music.

    Ms. Rin said ordinary novels left members of her generation cold.

    "They don't read works by professional writers because their sentences are too difficult to understand, their expressions are intentionally wordy, and the stories are not familiar to them," she said. "On other hand, I understand how older Japanese don't want to recognize these as novels. The paragraphs and the sentences are too simple, the stories are too predictable. But I'd like cellphone novels to be recognized as a genre."

    As the genre's popularity leads more people to write cellphone novels, though, an existential question has arisen: can a work be called a cellphone novel if it is not composed on a cellphone, but on a computer or, inconceivably, in longhand?

    "When a work is written on a computer, the nuance of the number of lines is different, and the rhythm is different from writing on a cellphone," said Keiko Kanematsu, an editor at Goma Books, a publisher of cellphone novels. "Some hard-core fans wouldn't consider that a cellphone novel."

    Still, others say the genre is not defined by the writing tool.

    Ms. Naito, the novelist, said she writes on a computer and sends the text to her cellphone, with which she rearranges the content. Unlike the first-time cellphone novelists in their teens or early 20s, Ms. Naito said she felt more comfortable writing on a computer.

    But at least one member of the cellphone generation has made the switch to computers. A year ago, one of Starts Publishing's young stars, Chaco, gave up her phone even though she could compose much faster with it by tapping with her thumb.

    "Because of writing on the cellphone, her nail had cut into the flesh and became bloodied," said Mr. Matsushita of Starts.

    "Since she's switched to a computer," he added, "her vocabulary's gotten richer and her sentences have also grown longer."


    Today's Papers

    Kick in the Pants

    By Lydia DePillis
    Posted Saturday, Jan. 19, 2008, at  6:38 A.M. E.T.
     
    The New York Times, Washington Post, and Los Angeles Times all lead with the roughly $145 billion economic stimulus package outlined Friday by President Bush. The White House arrived at the number by taking 1 percent of GDP, exceeding the expected $100 billion for onetime individual tax rebates for consumers, with half as much again for businesses in the form of an expansion of the deductions for investment in equipment. The administration sidestepped a few of the plan's worst potential hurdles by leaving details up for negotiation with Congressional Democrats (a strategy Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson called "constructive ambiguity") and refraining from linking the proposal to making Bush's earlier tax cuts permanent. The proposal met with largely affable reactions on Capitol Hill, but the WP emphasizes that it failed to calm jittery markets, which continued their fall as the week closed.

    Today's Nevada Democratic caucus and South Carolina Republican primary dominate election news. The WP fronts a look at the frenzied final day of campaigning in the GOP race, where Mike Huckabee is battling John McCain's veteran supporters with his own Christian evangelicals, both of whom are large constituencies in the pivotal state. South Carolina's political establishment is as divided as its electorate, with its Republican senators split between McCain, who's vowing to follow Osama bin Laden "to the gates of hell if necessary," and Mitt Romney, who's in a race for third with Fred Thompson. The NYT fronts below the fold an almost admiring study of Huckabee's ability to turn hard Christian right positions (such as an endorsement of a Southern Baptist statement declaring that a wife must "submit herself graciously to the servant leadership of her husband") into moderate-seeming soundbites, but the paper buries a folksy profile of Fred Thompson on the trail.

    On the Democratic side, the LAT reefers an overview of the scene in Nevada, finding that while Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama are making a few concessions to the Nevadan audience with talk of issues like Yucca Mountain, the Western setting is still mostly a backdrop for their recurring themes of change and experience. But in the heightened atmosphere of a tie-breaking state, the WP says that Obama has learned to rigorously counter all the attacks levied against him by Senator Clinton, while weaving offensive barbs into his speeches.

    The Democratic presidential contenders, breaking from their Congressional colleagues, blasted the White House's stimulus package for passing over those most in need: Although the Bush plan would grant an estimated $800 rebate to each individual taxpayer, 50 million people who make too little to pay income taxes in the first place would get nothing. Administration officials, however, tell the WP that these points are open for debate, and the compromise package—to be hammered out in a meeting Tuesday—could include an increase in the earned income tax credit as well as unemployment benefits. The LAT plays it as a sign that President Bush is taking the lead on the economy, while the NYT notes that both the White House and Congress have an interest in taking swift action, considering recent ominous economic indicators and both of their abysmal approval ratings.

    Yesterday marked the beginning of Ashura, Shiite Islam's most important holiday, in which hundreds of thousands gather to worship in Basra and Nasiriya. This year, as the LAT fronts and the WP stuffs, adherents of a messianic cult called Supporters of the Mahdi are spreading chaos, hoping to hasten the return of the 12th imam. Eighty have died in clashes with Iraqi security forces, in the government's first major test in the region since the Americans and the British turned it over last month. The NYT has a surprisingly upbeat take, pointing out that government troops have protected the vast majority of worshipers.

    Meanwhile, the LAT fronts a big picture of people still dying in Kenya, where supporters of opposition leader Raila Odinga have begun to tear up railway lines to protest the contested presidential election, meeting with canisters of tear gas from police. According to the NYT, Friday marked the beginning of a period of relative calm after a tactical switch from mass rallies to boycotts of businesses allied with President Mwai Kibaki.

    The NYT catches up to the WP's scoop yesterday on the CIA's conclusion that former Pakistani Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto had been taken out by a Pakistani militant leader with ties to al Qaida. The WP, in turn, fronts the case of Mohammed Mansour Jabarah, a terrorist who took advantage of relatively cushy conditions at Fort Dix, N.J., to start a weapons stash and begin laying plans to attack his captors, while divulging some of the most valuable information gleaned yet on top al Qaida operatives.

    The NYT features a look at how some high oil prices—those of "edible oils" like palm and canola—are affecting how much people eat, not just how much they drive. Factors like the rise of biofuels in vehicles and even bans on trans fats in United States cities leave poor people in South Asia especially without affordable cooking oil.

    Covering the race that matters most in Los Angeles, the LAT puts no fewer than six reporters on the story developing around the film industry's biggest party: the Oscars, nominations for which are due out on Tuesday. Everybody's hoping and praying for a resolution to the Writers Guild of America strike—dressmakers! Studios! Millions of people around the world! The NYT gets into the act with an illuminating above-the-fold profile of the two leaders behind the picket lines.

    The WP reefers and NYT and LAT front long obituaries of the international chess champion, anti-Communist hero, and madman Bobby Fischer, who died late Thursday. Check out the NYT piece for the best stories of his life, including a refusal of psychiatric help on the grounds that a psychiatrist should pay him for the privilege of working on his brain.

    Lydia DePillis is a writer living in New York.

    Ferrari's 2008 car is better than its title-winning predecessor

    Photo F1-Live.com
    Zoom
    Shorter wheelbase on the F2008 helping Raikkonen
    Ferrari's 2008 car is better than its title-winning predecessor, Kimi Raikkonen said earlier this week at Jerez.

    The Spanish sports newspaper Marca quotes Raikkonen as discussing the early performance of his new mount, the F2008.

    "The car has improved in quite a few areas, especially its behaviour in the slow curves," the Finn revealed.

    Raikkonen added that at the car's next outing, in Valencia for the group test beginning next Tuesday, the car will be tried with modified bodywork pieces.



    "So far the car is behaving well and I think we are in a very good starting position," he said.
    Source GMMr

    January 03

    Under Attack, Drug Maker Turned to Giuliani for Help

     

    If anyone can imagine this man as a leader of our country in this critical time where moral leadership is of the utmost importance, please explain how to reconcile this opinion with the facts contained within this story.
    It closes with the all telling comment,
    "It was all because of Giuliani," said Mr. Bisch. "And he got to take the money."
    Michael P. Whelan

    Librado Romero/The New York Times

    Giuliani Partners in 2004, with Rudolph Giuliani at top center and Bernard B. Kerik, the former New York City police commissioner, on his right.

    Kyle Green/The Roanoke Times, via Associated Press


    John L. Brownlee, a United States attorney in Virginia, obtained plea deals totaling $634.5 million from Purdue and its executives in May.

    December 28, 2007
    The Long Run

    Under Attack, Drug Maker Turned to Giuliani for Help

    In western Virginia, far from the limelight, United States Attorney John L. Brownlee found himself on the telephone last year with a political and legal superstar, Rudolph W. Giuliani.

    For years, Mr. Brownlee and his small team had been building a case that the maker of the painkiller OxyContin had misled the public when it claimed the drug was less prone to abuse than competing narcotics. The drug was believed to be a factor in hundreds of deaths involving its abuse.

    Mr. Giuliani, celebrated for his stewardship of New York City after 9/11, soon told the prosecutors they were wrong.

    In 2002, the drug maker, Purdue Pharma of Stamford, Conn., hired Mr. Giuliani and his consulting firm, Giuliani Partners, to help stem the controversy about OxyContin. Among Mr. Giuliani's missions was the job of convincing public officials that they could trust Purdue because they could trust him.

    So it was no small success when, after the call, Mr. Brownlee did what many people might have done when confronted with such celebrity: He went out and bought a copy of Mr. Giuliani's book, "Leadership."

    "I wanted to be prepared for my meetings with him," Mr. Brownlee said in a recent interview.

    Over the past few weeks, Mr. Giuliani's consulting business has received increasing scrutiny, at times forcing him to defend his business as he campaigns for the Republican presidential nomination.

    But his work for Purdue, the company's first and longest-running client, provides a window into how he used his standing as an eminent lawyer, a Republican insider and a national celebrity to aid a controversial client and build a business fortune.

    A former top federal prosecutor, Mr. Giuliani participated in two meetings between Purdue officials and the head of the Drug Enforcement Administration, the agency investigating the company. Giuliani Partners took on the job of monitoring security improvements at company facilities making OxyContin, an issue of concern to the D.E.A.

    As a celebrity, Mr. Giuliani helped the company win several public relations battles, playing a role in an effort by Purdue to persuade an influential Pennsylvania congressman, Curt Weldon, not to blame it for OxyContin abuse.

    Despite these efforts, Purdue suffered a crushing defeat in May at the hands of Mr. Brownlee when the company and three top executives pleaded guilty to criminal charges.

    Mr. Giuliani, who declined to discuss his work for Purdue for this article, has refused to talk in detail about his firm's clients. He has said that he is no longer involved in the day-to-day management of the firm, which still represents Purdue.

    Giuliani Partners would not say how much Purdue had paid it, but one consultant to the drug maker estimated that Mr. Giuliani's firm had, in some years, earned several million dollars from the account.

    "Everything I did with Giuliani Partners has been totally legal, totally ethical," Mr. Giuliani recently told The Associated Press. "There's nothing for me to explain about it. We've acted honorably, decently."

    In the OxyContin case, Mr. Giuliani's supporters suggest that as a cancer survivor himself, he was driven by a noble goal: to keep the company's proven pain reliever available to the widest circle of sufferers.

    "I understand the pain and distress that accompanies illness," Mr. Giuliani said at the time. "I know that proper medications are necessary for people to treat their sickness and improve their quality of life."

    To drive OxyContin's sales, Purdue, beginning in 1996, set in motion what D.E.A. officials described as perhaps the most aggressive promotional campaign for a high-powered narcotic ever undertaken. It promoted the drug not only to pain specialists, but to family doctors with little experience in treating serious pain or recognizing drug abuse.

    As a result of the expanded access, critics charged, OxyContin wound up in the high schools and street corners of rural America where curious teenagers crushed the pill, defeating the time-release formula, and ended up addicts, or in some cases, dead.

    Dennis Lee, the Virginia state prosecutor for Tazewell County, an area hard hit by OxyContin abuse, said he was stunned several years ago to learn that Mr. Giuliani was working for Purdue. He had a favorable impression of Mr. Giuliani, he said, and a poor opinion of the company, which he said had played down and dissembled about its drug's problem.

    "I was shocked," Mr. Lee said, "that he would basically become a mouthpiece for Purdue."

    Denials and Lobbying

    Giuliani Partners served clients with a range of needs. The firm helped large accounting firms fight computer hackers and promoted Nextel's efforts to expand its access to public airwaves. But some of the 55-person firm's clients, like Purdue Pharma, were facing more difficult legal and public relations problems.

    There were, for instance, the backers of a planned natural gas terminal in Long Island Sound who were facing stiff environmental opposition. Another client was a former cocaine smuggler hoping to win federal contracts for a computer system to track down terrorists.

    On the business of these clients and others, Giuliani Partners carved out a lucrative niche in corporate consulting, crisis management and security.

    In the process, Mr. Giuliani, a Brooklyn native whose legal career had largely been spent in government, became a corporate trouble-shooter with homes in the Hamptons and on the Upper East Side. According to financial disclosure forms filed in May, his net worth was more than $30 million.

    The crisis that brought Purdue to Mr. Giuliani in 2002 involved OxyContin, a time-released form of the narcotic oxycodone, which had turned into a blockbuster product with annual sales of more than $1 billion.

    But along the way, the pain medication had also become a popular drug for abuse. Among the company's critics were officials at the Drug Enforcement Administration who said OxyContin had been a factor in hundreds of overdose deaths. Some D.E.A. officials and others also charged that Purdue had hyped the drug's resistance to abuse and then failed to act swiftly when its misuse became apparent.

    Purdue Pharma, which is owned by the Sacklers, a New York-area family who are known as museum benefactors, denied it had done anything wrong. But facing a growing number of investigations and lawsuits, it spent millions on public relations experts, lobbyists and top-tier law firms.

    One piece, however, was missing: a highly credible and well-connected political figure to serve as its point man. Purdue Pharma executives saw Mr. Giuliani as that person, said a former company spokesman.

    "He was just on the cover of Time Magazine, Man of the Year," that former official, Robin Hogen, said. "Everyone was talking about his extraordinary leadership in 9/11."

    Giuliani Partners became involved in every aspect of the company's problems, from the ballooning investigation by Mr. Brownlee to repairing its battered image. Mr. Giuliani personally took on some tasks, but a half-dozen members of his firm, including Bernard B. Kerik, the former New York City police commissioner, were also involved.

    Mr. Giuliani's most important liaison to the company was Daniel S. Connolly, who had been a top lawyer in his administration. He spent so much time at Purdue that he was issued a security pass.

    "His judgment was always sought on almost any topic," said Mr. Hogen, who now works for a public relations agency in San Francisco.

    Mr. Connolly regularly attended Monday morning crisis management sessions to develop programs that would shift the public spotlight away from OxyContin. The issue, the company said, was not its conduct but the larger question of prescription drug abuse.

    To help draw attention to that issue, Mr. Giuliani became the public face of a program called Rx Action Alliance, a consortium of drug makers, physicians and law enforcement authorities working to curtail such abuse.

    "He was America's mayor," Mr. Hogen said of Mr. Giuliani's role as a catalyst for the company's efforts. "People were drawn to him."

    One person attracted by Mr. Giuliani's star power was Mr. Weldon, who was upset because young people in his Pennsylvania district were abusing OxyContin. Mr. Weldon, who lost his seat in 2006, said in a recent interview that he had told the company he planned to publicly speak out against it.

    "This is really kind of outrageous," Mr. Weldon recalled telling a Purdue representative. "You have got to do something more than say you are concerned about it."

    At Mr. Weldon's urging, the company agreed to finance a program aimed at curbing prescription drug abuse. It also sent Mr. Giuliani to an inaugural press conference for the program, held at a high school in Mr. Weldon's district. With Mr. Giuliani at his side, Mr. Weldon opted not to criticize the company.

    "I am proud to be in Pennsylvania today standing with Curt Weldon — a true leader," Mr. Giuliani said at the event. "I applaud the efforts of Congressman Weldon and of Purdue Pharma in taking this battle in the right direction."

    Credit for Damage Control

    Asa Hutchinson, the director of the Drug Enforcement Administration in 2002, hardly needed an introduction to Mr. Giuliani. So it was perhaps not surprising that Purdue chose Mr. Giuliani as the person to meet with Mr. Hutchinson at a time when the drug maker was under intense scrutiny by the D.E.A.

    "You need to have somebody who has clout to get in the door to legitimately make your presentation," said Jay P. McCloskey, a former United States attorney in Maine who until recently worked for Purdue as a consultant.

    By 2002, Mr. Giuliani was already helping to raise money for a D.E.A. museum, and his firm was part of a $1 million Justice Department consulting contract to advise it on reorganizing its major drug investigations.

    The D.E.A. was not only critical of how OxyContin had been marketed, its inspectors had found widespread security and record-keeping problems at the company's manufacturing plants.

    Several top D.E.A. staffers were recommending that the agency impose severe sanctions against the drug maker, including possible restrictions on how much OxyContin it could make.

    At two meetings, the first at Giuliani Partners in early 2002, Mr. Giuliani and Purdue's executives argued that they were already taking steps to eliminate any problems.

    Mr. Kerik had been sent to Purdue's manufacturing plants to revamp internal security, they assured Mr. Hutchinson. The federal investigators, they argued, should back down and give them a chance to prove they could handle the problem on their own.

    After the meetings, Mr. Hutchinson, who generally did not get involved in individual investigations, asked D.E.A. officials several times to brief him on the inquiry, Laura Nagel, the official in charge of it, has said in previous interviews. She declined to comment for this article.

    D.E.A. officials say Mr. Giuliani ultimately did not affect the inquiry's course. But Purdue Pharma did succeed in favorably resolving the matter. In 2004, it paid a $2 million fine to settle the D.E.A. record-keeping charges without admitting any wrongdoing. The sum was far smaller than the amount first recommended by Ms. Nagel, which one former D.E.A. official said was $20 million.

    By the time of the 2004 settlement, it appeared that Purdue, with Mr. Giuliani's help, had averted any significant damage. As the tide was turning, the drug maker's top lawyer, Howard R. Udell, gave credit to Mr. Giuliani.

    "We believe that government officials are more comfortable knowing that Giuliani is advising Purdue Pharma," Mr. Udell said in a promotional brochure put out by Giuliani Partners. "It is clear to us, and we hope it is clear to the government, that Giuliani would not take an assignment with a company that he felt was acting in an improper way."

    Parents Not Persuaded

    The limits of stature, though, were evident in Mr. Giuliani's dealings with Mr. Brownlee, the federal prosecutor from Virginia, whose case against Purdue had been viewed by the company more as a nuisance than a threat.

    It is easy to see how lawyers for Purdue might have underestimated the prosecutor. He ran a small office with 24 lawyers to cover 52 far-flung counties. But two of those lawyers, working out of a satellite office in the tiny town of Abingdon, Va., near the Tennessee border, had been investigating Purdue since 2002.

    They had issued some 600 separate subpoenas and collected millions of company documents. The case stretched the office's resources so thin that state prosecutors had to be deputized to handle other federal cases.

    By comparison, Purdue's defense team comprised all-stars, including Mr. Giuliani, Mr. Connolly and Mary Jo White, a former United States attorney in New York.

    Mr. Giuliani had been advising Purdue about how to respond to Mr. Brownlee's inquiry since its start in 2002, including reviewing documents the company had released in response to his subpoenas. And he shared the defense team's view that Mr. Brownlee did not have any evidence to link the company to crimes, several of those lawyers said.

    Early last year, however, Mr. Brownlee told Purdue that he was prepared to indict it and three top executives, including Mr. Udell, the lawyer. The company then handed Mr. Giuliani his most crucial assignment, to talk Mr. Brownlee down.

    His selection was not by chance, company representatives said. They figured Mr. Brownlee, a younger federal prosecutor, would look up to Mr. Giuliani, who became a legend as a United States attorney in New York.

    Between June and October 2006, Mr. Giuliani met or spoke with the prosecutor on six occasions. During those conversations, Mr. Giuliani was cordial but pointed in arguing against what he felt were flaws in the case.

    Mr. Brownlee would not change course, though, even when the Purdue legal team appealed, unsuccessfully, at the 11th hour to his superiors at the Justice Department in Washington.

    In October 2006, Mr. Brownlee told Mr. Giuliani and Purdue that he expected to ask for a grand jury indictment by the end of the month. Plea discussions ensued and Mr. Brownlee ultimately agreed that the three executives would not have to do jail time.

    By this time, Mr. Giuliani was actively planning his presidential bid, as well as tending to other clients. On the day the legal team completed the plea deals with Mr. Brownlee, Mr. Giuliani was in Germany, giving a talk to business leaders.

    He had a conference call with prosecutors for about a minute, but there really was not much left to discuss, except the weather.

    "He said that it was raining," Mr. Brownlee recalled.

    In May, Purdue and its executives, after spending tens of millions of dollars to repair the company's image, agreed to plea deals to avoid a trial. Together, they paid $634.5 million in fines and payments.

    After years of denial and a high-profile public relations campaign, the company was forced to admit that it had misled doctors and patients. But to the parents of young people who had died getting high on OxyContin, the absence of jail time was evidence of Mr. Giuliani's influence.

    They voiced that view inside and outside the packed courtroom in Abingdon where the men were sentenced in July.

    Mr. Giuliani was 360 miles away at the time, campaigning in Myrtle Beach, S.C., where he met with local firefighters and talked about 9/11. But his role in the case had been so substantial and sustained, the presiding judge felt compelled to address the parents' concerns.

    "It has been implied that because Mr. Giuliani is a prominent national politician, Purdue may have received a favorable deal from the government solely because of politics," said the judge, James P. Jones of United States District Court. "I completely reject this claim."

    Even today, some of those parents are not persuaded. Ed Bisch, whose son died of an OxyContin overdose, said that he believed that Purdue got a free pass for years thanks to Mr. Giuliani.

    "It was all because of Giuliani," said Mr. Bisch. "And he got to take the money."